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November 27, 2017, 03:11 PM | #26 |
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The continued rejection of second amendment cases by the SCOTUS, in the near decade since Heller was decided, has been extremely disappointing. This case, out of the Fourth Circuit, which hung its hat on an out-of-context quote in Heller, should have been granted cert just because it is bad jurisprudence to intentionally misconstrue a SCOTUS decision. There was a time the SCOTUS would have come down hard on a lower court for misinterpreting an order like this.
Letting this decision stand gives the lower courts too much discretion. SCOTUS wouldn't let a First Amendment or Fourth Amendment decision be so badly misconstrued. The longer these bans stay in place, the easier it is to argue that they meet the Heller criteria for long-standing regulations. It seems to me that the SCOTUS is slowly doing away with the principles that kept it a respected authority in this country. When we can no longer seek redress from the Supreme Court for clearly unconstitutional laws, I don't know where that leaves us.
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November 27, 2017, 03:50 PM | #27 | ||||
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Where is the bait and switch? Is that a reference to Ryan delaying SHARE? I believe most people understand the politics behind that delay. Why do you conclude that the praise of the political actors, including DJT and the NRA, is inordinate where they've defended the right, identified the problem as the shooter rather than what he shot, diffused the reflexive energy to legislate, and preserved the status quo. Roberts' sense of political deference doesn't sit well with me; I'd like to get Ginsberg and Breyer replaced with better people and see whether that changes his calculation.
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November 27, 2017, 03:58 PM | #28 |
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It hasn't gone unnoticed on the courts either.
https://www.supremecourt.gov/orders/...17zor_8759.pdf Go to page 30 for the dissent of Justice Thomas and Gorsuch. (I'm sorry this reads screwed up, cut and pasting a PDF file sucks) Even if other Members of the Court do not agree that the Second Amendment likely protects a right to public carry, the time has come for the Court to answer this important question definitively. Twenty-six States have asked us to resolve the question presented, see Brief for Alabama et al. as Amici Curiae, and the lower courts have fully vetted the issue. At least four other Courts of Appeals and three state courts of last resort have decided cases regarding the ability of States to regulate the public carry of firearms. The Court’s decision to deny certiorari in this case reflects a distressing trend: the treatment of the Second Amendment as a disfavored right. The Constitution does not rank certain rights above others, and I do not think this Court should impose such a hierarchy by selectively enforcing its preferred rights. The Court has not heard argument in a Second Amendment case in over seven years—since March 2, 2010, in McDonald v. Chicago, 561 U. S. 742. Since that time, we have heard argument in, for example, roughly 35 cases where the question presented turned on the meaning of the First Amendment and 25 cases that turned on the meaning of the Fourth Amendment. This discrepancy is inexcusable, especially given how much less developed our jurisprudence is with respect to the Second Amendment as compared to the First and Fourth Amendments. Let's hope a couple more SCOTUS's retire before Trump gets out of office. |
November 27, 2017, 04:45 PM | #29 |
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One distressing aspect of Kolbe was that unlike the other cases upholding bans, they did not do the 2A two-step (law is outside “core right” of Second, law survives lesser scrutiny which is rational basis in all but name). Kolbe just said: “Nope! Not protected by the Second.”
It is disappointing to see cert denied. I certainly hope that isn’t a reflection of very weak support for the 2A even among the remaining Heller majority; but that seems a reasonable way to attribute it. |
November 27, 2017, 05:21 PM | #30 | |
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The MD AWB was allowed to stand with no formal dissent:
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Glenn E. Meyer is right: Political hacks are playing gun rights folks like fools. |
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November 27, 2017, 06:12 PM | #31 |
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I'm kind of glad the Court didn't take the cases. The deck seems to be stacked against us, and the wild card is perhaps a bit too wild.
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November 27, 2017, 07:17 PM | #32 |
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In my opinion which is worth absolutely nothing, now is not the time.
I've always been convinced that there could be three appointees if this president serves a second term, but nothing says that I'm right. Just a feeling, and there has already been one. Seems to me it may be wise to wait a bit before taking on anything of real consequence.
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November 27, 2017, 08:13 PM | #33 | |
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November 27, 2017, 08:40 PM | #34 | |
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November 27, 2017, 08:48 PM | #35 |
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I don't really believe that there is much to assume when it comes to Trump, but who knows... you and I both could wind up looking like a**es PB.
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November 27, 2017, 09:22 PM | #36 | |
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we could wind up with a, "living breathing document," type of judge receiving an appointment and then... we are in serious trouble In the libertarian circles I hang with there are some folks who can be described as, "enamored with Trump," and some folks who can be described as, "he's pretty gross." I like what Susan Sarandon said. Go figure she would say something like that... but me personally, "yes," I think the President would do better than a Ruth Bader Ginsburg - but we do not know, until we find out. Yep
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November 28, 2017, 08:12 AM | #37 |
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In general, the courts seem pretty hostile to the 2nd Amendment. Does it really matter though that SCOTUS declared the 2nd Amendment as an individual right when the lower courts uphold almost any state gun regulation and the SCOTUS doesn't take up these cases?
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November 28, 2017, 10:35 AM | #38 |
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That's my point. Heller said that but if you look at positive outcomes lately, you don't see that much. There seemed to be a big positive in Illinois. However, the auxiliary prose in Heller is thrown up all the time and that's a big negative. Given Scotus won't take up a case, we see a build up of precedent that enshrines certain firearms as evil, military and eminently ban worthy. If one looks at just buying a handgun, for example, in NY state and certainly in NY City, it is not a guarantee you can. There is a very oppressive system of permission.
I certainly understand that there is a risk of bringing these cases forward as to yielding a negative outcome. That was the argument against Heller and it was razor thin. It's been argued Scalia's crap was necessary to get Kennedy to go along. I have argued elsewhere that the current set of cases should not have been pursued just because of that risk. The proponents might have thought they would win at SCOTUS but instead just strengthened local antigun laws. My other point is that there could be legislative solutions to the state bans but like the HPA, there is no interest in vigorously pursuing progun bills. We saw Ryan leap at the chance of ditching it. I heard that reciprocity is moving. It is controversial but I'd bet it will never see the floor of the House. Now some say that it is progress that we stay in place and don't get new bad Federal laws. It is progress that we trade Gorsuch for Scalia. It is great that the recent tragedies didn't generate more Federal actions. However state bans increase in purple states. More craziness may increase the purple and change the Congress. Defense is great, it is needed but in the multitude of political decisions we make, that is insufficient for me. It is noteworthy that when you hear 'conservative' priorities discussed - proactive legislation on gun rights is never mentioned by the mainstream of that tribe.
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November 28, 2017, 12:54 PM | #39 | |
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Do you really believe your rights or the future prospects for your rights would have been precisely the same if the decision in Heller had been that the 2d Am. protected your right to be issued a rifle if you joined the National Guard?
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November 28, 2017, 01:24 PM | #40 | ||||
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Note that the first sentence presents a hypothetical objection and the second sentence refutes it. The 4th saw fit to take selected words from the first sentence completely out of context and twist them 180 degrees from Heller's actual position on the definition of the meaning of the word "arms": Quote:
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November 28, 2017, 01:47 PM | #41 |
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Pretty much, yes. There might be some small changes or differences but nothing radically different than now.
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November 28, 2017, 03:58 PM | #42 |
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ATN our current rights would be very different if the Heller decision said that only firearms issued to active NG members were protected by the 2A. That interpretation is a popular one in many circles. While imperfect, Heller was a victory for our right to keep and bear arms. Leaving the states free to define what we can keep and bear allows for restrictions that go well beyond the intent of the amendment, but I can legally carry a concealed handgun in Illinois as a direct result of Heller.
I think Frank Ettin is right that in the current climate rolling the dice is a risky gamble.
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November 28, 2017, 04:27 PM | #43 |
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Well, between 1939 and 2007, SCOTUS did not hear any challenges on Second Amendment grounds. So much so that by the time Heller nee Parker came around, the 5th Circuit and D.C. Circuit were the only two courts of appeal left that hadn’t ruled the Second as a collective right.
So we’ve certainly come back from worse. However, my big concern is that universal background checks/registration gets pushed through Congress before any type of SCOTUS rulings treating the Second comparable to the First or Fourth. If that happens, it will be Chamberlain’s choice between war and dishonor. |
November 29, 2017, 01:43 AM | #44 |
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Until the SCOTUS gets a conservative replacement for one of the liberal justices on the Court, I wouldn't role the dice, because I don't trust Kennedy. And the lower courts show that the anti-gun judges will resort to some outright crazy reasoning to uphold these gun control laws. I really wish Scalia had singled out the AR-15 as an example of a Constitutionally-protected weapon.
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November 29, 2017, 05:51 AM | #45 | |
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November 29, 2017, 06:55 AM | #46 | |
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If the NFA were invalidated by Scalia's opinion, it almost certainly would have been a minority opinion. You may recall from oral argument that the solicitor general made it clear that his office opposed the DC ban at issue in Heller, but did not seek invalidation of the NFA. Gura also made it plain that the NFA was beyond his argument.
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November 29, 2017, 08:33 AM | #47 |
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When it comes down to it the states need to step in and force the the government to uphold the contract of the constitution or recognize that the contract has been irrevocably broken and act to protect their citizens. Its unfortunate that IMHO the federal income tax and popular election of senators together effectively broke the back of the states' power against the federal government. As my mother pointed out (german immigrant) the US is now more of a democracy now than some of the european nations.
The courts will always be left. That's the nature of the rank and file that have been coming out of law schools. |
November 29, 2017, 09:26 AM | #48 | |
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My father was a lawyer. A great lawyer. Not sure if those types of lawyers exist anymore. You are correct in your assumption that the lack of great lawyers is in essence a danger to our rights. Government always wants a society to control - goes straight back to the 2nd Amendment - the security of a free state. When society disarms, the result is: a state secured under government control.
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November 29, 2017, 12:21 PM | #49 |
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<The courts will always be left. That's the nature of the rank and file that have been coming out of law schools.>
To me that's only a problem if the left substitutes its personal preferences over the text and context of laws more than the right. |
November 29, 2017, 01:15 PM | #50 |
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Research demonstrates, as I have said before, that justices of all ilk vote their personal beliefs but then search past precedents or interpretations to justify their politics. It is not just a characteristic of the left.
To the basic debate, the rhetoric and what might have been on Heller on votes, etc. does not negate the fact that Scalia (interpreted correctly or not) is used to justify state bans that clearly should be unconstitutional and these precedents are becoming stronger. Positive behavioral outcomes of Heller besides rhetoric vs. negative usage of the decision will decide it the case was ill-advised and whether the follow ups are ill-advised.
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